Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) has issued a series of statements claiming coordinated missile and drone attacks on US military assets in Jordan, Oman, Syria, Kuwait, and Bahrain. The operations, described as waves of “Operation Nasr-2,” reportedly targeted fighter aircraft shelters and a parking apron at Al-Azraq airbase in Jordan, a maritime surveillance radar on Oman’s Ghanam Island, a special operations command centre in Syria’s At Tanf region, and support infrastructure including a fuel dock in Kuwait and an intelligence data centre in Bahrain. The IRGC asserted that the strikes destroyed at least two US fighter jets and three other aircraft in Jordan, along with radar systems, special operations helicopters, and military personnel in Syria. No independent verification of these damage claims was immediately available from US or host-nation authorities.

Viewed from Tehran, the attacks are presented as direct retaliation for what the IRGC terms “war crimes” — specifically, US air strikes on Iranian civilian infrastructure and a strike near Iranshahr in southeastern Iran that the IRGC says killed seven Iranian military personnel, including conscripts. The IRGC’s naval arm also stated it maintained “powerful control” over the Strait of Hormuz while conducting strikes, framing the US presence as illegitimate interference in Iran’s sovereign authority over the waterway. In a separate statement, the IRGC addressed Jordanian forces directly, calling it a “religious and human duty” to turn on US troops and “cleanse the holy land” of foreign forces, a rhetorical escalation that seeks to drive a wedge between Washington and its regional partners.

According to US Central Command (CENTCOM) statements cited by regional media, the American strikes that triggered the IRGC response were themselves a reaction to Iranian actions against commercial vessels transiting the Strait of Hormuz. This cycle of strikes follows a brief diplomatic pause: in mid-June, Tehran and Washington signed a memorandum of understanding aimed at ending the military confrontation. However, from 8 July, US forces resumed attacks, which CENTCOM characterised as necessary to secure freedom of navigation. The IRGC’s latest statements, issued in rapid succession, describe multiple waves of a single operation, suggesting a centrally coordinated campaign rather than isolated reprisals.

Analysts in the Gulf note that the IRGC’s claims, if accurate, would mark a significant geographical expansion of direct Iranian strikes on US positions, moving beyond Iraq and Syria to include Jordan, Oman, Kuwait, and Bahrain — all states hosting US military infrastructure. The targeting of a Jordanian base, coupled with an explicit call for local forces to attack US personnel, introduces a new dimension of political pressure on Amman. Meanwhile, the reported destruction of a maritime radar in Oman, a key interlocutor between Iran and the West, could complicate Muscat’s traditional role as a diplomatic backchannel.

The status of the mid-June memorandum of understanding remains unclear, with neither Tehran nor Washington confirming its collapse. The IRGC’s statements frame the latest strikes as a response to a specific US attack, not a wholesale rejection of the agreement. No independent damage assessments or casualty figures have been released by US or host-nation authorities, and the IRGC’s claims remain unverified. The dossier is now likely to draw scrutiny at the United Nations Security Council, where several of the affected states may seek a session to address the widening scope of military action.