
Greece Blocks EU’s 21st Russia Sanctions Package Over LNG Shipping Ban
Athens’ veto, backed by five other member states seeking exemptions, forces Brussels to consider delaying, watering down, or scrapping the entire package.
The European Union’s 21st package of sanctions against Russia has stalled after Greece refused to accept a proposed ban on EU-flagged vessels transporting Russian liquefied natural gas to third countries. The deadlock, confirmed by European diplomats, has prevented the unanimous approval required under EU rules and pushed the European Commission to examine fallback scenarios, including a two-year transition period, the removal of the LNG clause, or abandoning the package entirely.
Athens argues the measure would severely damage its shipping industry, particularly the company Dynagas, which operates specialised ice-class tankers serving the Yamal LNG project under long-term contracts. Greek officials contend that such vessels cannot be redeployed and that a ban would merely transfer the business to non-Western fleets without cutting Russian revenues. Five other member states have also lodged objections. Germany and Portugal seek to preserve imports of Russian fish for their processing industries. France and Italy want to soften a proposed visa ban on Russian soldiers who served in Ukraine, citing potential harm to tourism. Austria continues to demand the release of approximately €2 billion in frozen Russian assets to offset a fine imposed by Moscow on Raiffeisen Bank International.
The European Commission, while publicly insisting on the LNG transport ban, is conducting an economic impact assessment and has signalled willingness to adjust the package. According to sources cited by Bloomberg, the three scenarios under discussion include a 24-month delay before the LNG restrictions take effect, a complete removal of the measure, or the unprecedented step of discarding the entire sanctions package. Separately, EU countries have temporarily frozen the oil price cap at $44.10 per barrel to prevent an automatic increase linked to global price spikes, a decision that may be extended even if the broader package collapses.
The standoff reflects a broader erosion of consensus within the EU as sanctions increasingly collide with national economic interests. European diplomats quoted by the Financial Times describe the scale of opt-out demands as unprecedented, warning that the sanctions instrument risks becoming what one diplomat called a “hollow shell.” In Moscow, political analyst Ivan Mezyukho noted that no government fundamentally opposes the sanctions regime, but that opposition parties—rather than ruling coalitions—are the main force questioning the policy, though he expressed doubt they could shift it given what he termed the “semi-authoritarian” structure of the European Commission under Ursula von der Leyen. Russian Senator Alexander Voloshin argued that the EU has reached a “natural limit” of sanctions, as governments now openly prioritise domestic jobs and tax revenues over bloc solidarity. The fate of the 21st package is expected to be decided at a meeting of EU ambassadors on 22 July, with a strong likelihood that it will be adopted in a significantly diluted form, if at all.
| Russian & CIS press | −0.60 | critical |
|---|---|---|
| Continental European press | −0.20 | neutral |
| Latin American press | −0.30 | critical |
Russia watches with satisfaction the European divisions and stresses that sanctions harm the EU more than Moscow.
The Russian narrative emphasizes internal EU divisions as proof of sanctions failure, using the Greek veto to generalize a crisis of unity.
The Russian narrative omits that the majority of EU countries still support sanctions and that the Greek veto concerns only one specific measure, not the entire package.
Italy and other European countries defend their economic interests, demanding that sanctions do not harm their industries and trade.
The European narrative focuses on national economic interests as a legitimate reason to oppose specific measures, presenting the veto as a pragmatic, not ideological, issue.
The European narrative omits that the Greek veto is only on one measure and that the EU is considering compromises, and does not mention the Russian position that sees sanctions as self-harming.
The EU accuses Russia of cyber aggression and demands immediate sanctions, but the Greek veto hinders the collective response.
The Latin American narrative securitizes the issue, presenting the Greek veto as an obstacle to a necessary security response, without delving into the economic reasons for the veto.
The Latin American narrative omits that the Greek veto concerns LNG transport, not cyberattacks, and that the cyberattack accusations are separate from the sanctions package.
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