The Colombian Constitutional Court has issued two rulings that redefine the boundaries of digital consent and domestic autonomy, with immediate effects on platform liability and residential governance. In one case, the court determined that consent to share intimate images can be withdrawn at any moment, and that continued dissemination without renewed authorisation constitutes digital and sexual violence. It ordered the removal of the content, mandated a government guide on prevention within six months, and urged Congress to criminalise non-consensual intimate image sharing. In a separate decision, the same tribunal prohibited residential complexes from banning pets in common areas or requiring discretionary permits, citing the constitutional relevance of the human-animal bond and overriding contradictory provisions in community manuals.

Viewed from Dhaka, Islamic legal scholars are drawing parallel boundaries around online speech. An analysis published in Bangladesh frames the unproven labelling of a woman as ‘unchaste’ on social media as qadhf—a slander punishable by eighty lashes under Quranic injunction if four eyewitnesses are not produced. The guidance, grounded in the Maqasid al-Sharia principle of protecting honour and lineage, extends the same evidentiary standards to Facebook, YouTube and X, asserting that digital platforms offer no exemption from the prohibition on defamation. The text warns that a single word can carry eschatological consequences, a position that aligns with a broader South Asian emphasis on religious norms as a check on online misogyny.

In Brazil, researchers at the Federal University of Bahia (UFBA) have documented a shift in the language of online misogyny. An analysis of 47,018 images circulated in 1,417 Telegram groups found that over 90% of content classified as misogynistic contained no explicit sexual imagery. Instead, memes, montages and jokes ridiculed women using terms such as “vadia” and “vagabunda”, with 65.2% of the images rated as high or extreme intensity. The laboratory noted that humour functions as a strategy to mask violence and radicalise young men, with Telegram acting as a distribution hub: 44% of shared links pointed to YouTube, 16% to Instagram and 14% to X. Nearly half of the posts were published in 2025 alone, indicating an acceleration. In São Paulo, singer Luísa Sonza publicly attributed the destruction of women’s reputations to a misogyny that, in her view, remains effectively decriminalised, and called on women to defend one another rather than participate in online cancellations.

Taken together, the developments map a fragmented but converging landscape. In Bogotá, the judiciary is expanding the concept of revocable consent and compelling the legislature to act. In Dhaka, religious authority is invoked to criminalise online slander through moral rather than statutory force. In Brazil, empirical research reveals that the most pervasive form of digital misogyny travels not through pornography but through seemingly banal humour, with Telegram serving as an organising space. The Colombian Congress is expected to take up the court’s exhortation on intimate image abuse during the next legislative session, while the UFBA laboratory continues to monitor the cross-platform circulation of misogynistic content.